𝗚𝗘𝗡𝗘𝗥𝗔𝗟 𝗛𝗜𝗦𝗧𝗢𝗥𝗬 𝗢𝗙 𝗔𝗙𝗥𝗜𝗖𝗔 𝑽.3 𝑷𝒓𝒕 8.1 𝗘𝗴𝘆𝗽𝘁 𝗳𝗿𝗼𝗺 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗔𝗿𝗮𝗯 𝗰𝗼𝗻𝗾𝘂𝗲𝘀𝘁 𝘁𝗼 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗲𝗻𝗱 𝗼𝗳 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗙ā𝘁𝗶𝗺𝗶𝗱 𝘀𝘁𝗮𝘁𝗲 (𝟭𝟭𝟳𝟭) 𝗣𝗮𝗿𝘁 8.1 – 𝗘𝗴𝘆𝗽𝘁 𝗶𝗻 𝗦𝘂𝗯𝗷𝗲𝗰𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝗔𝘂𝘁𝗼𝗻𝗼𝗺𝘆 (𝗙𝗿𝗼𝗺 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗖𝗼𝗻𝗾𝘂𝗲𝘀𝘁 𝘁𝗼 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗜𝗸𝗵𝘀𝗵𝗶𝗱𝗶𝗱𝘀) 𝗥𝗲𝗰𝗮𝗽: 𝗪𝗵𝗲𝗿𝗲 𝗪𝗲 𝗔𝗿𝗲 𝗶𝗻 𝗧𝗵𝗶𝘀 𝗩𝗼𝗹𝘂𝗺𝗲 Before we turn to 𝗘𝗴𝘆𝗽𝘁, let us recall our journey: · 𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 1 (two parts): Africa in the context of world history (7th–11th century). · 𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 2 (one article): The coming of Islam and the expansion of the Muslim empire. · 𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 3 (one article): Stages in the development of Islam and its dissemination in Africa. · 𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 4, Part I & Part 5.2: Islam as a social system – easy coexistence and later tensions. · 𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 5, Part 6.1 & 6.2: The peoples of the Sudan – population movements and the emergence of Sudanese hegemonies. · 𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐞𝐫 6, Part 7: The Bantu‑speaking peoples and their expansion. Now, in Part 8.1, we turn to 𝗘𝗴𝘆𝗽𝘁 – a land that has always served as a mediator between the 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑨𝒓𝒂𝒃 𝑬𝒂𝒔𝒕 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒃𝒍𝒂𝒄𝒌 𝒘𝒐𝒓𝒍𝒅. We trace its transformation from a 𝐁𝐲𝐳𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐞 𝐩𝐫𝐨𝐯𝐢𝐧𝐜𝐞 to an 𝐀𝐫𝐚𝐛 𝐩𝐫𝐨𝐯𝐢𝐧𝐜𝐞, then to an autonomous 𝐓𝐮𝐥𝐮𝐧𝐢𝐝 and 𝐈𝐤𝐡𝐬𝐡𝐢𝐝𝐢𝐝 𝐩𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐜𝐢𝐩𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐲. We examine the conquest, the fiscal and religious policies of the 𝐔𝐦𝐚𝐲𝐲𝐚𝐝𝐬 and 𝐞𝐚𝐫𝐥𝐲 𝐀𝐛𝐛𝐚𝐬𝐢𝐝𝐬, the revolts, the rise of 𝐢𝐪ṭāʿ and 𝐰𝐚𝐪𝐟, and the extraordinary careers of 𝑰𝒃𝒏 Ṭū𝒍ū𝒏, 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑰𝒌𝒉𝒔𝒉ī𝒅, 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒃𝒍𝒂𝒄𝒌 𝒆𝒖𝒏𝒖𝒄𝒉 𝑲ā𝒇ū𝒓. 𝗜. 𝗜𝗻𝘁𝗿𝗼𝗱𝘂𝗰𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 The Arabs had already conquered vast territories in 𝐒𝐲𝐫𝐢𝐚 and 𝐌𝐞𝐬𝐨𝐩𝐨𝐭𝐚𝐦𝐢𝐚 when they entered 𝗘𝗴𝘆𝗽𝘁, attracted by the legendary opulence of its countryside and its large, industrious population. Through this territory, 𝐈𝐬𝐥𝐚𝐦, organised and triumphant, came into 𝐭𝐨𝐮𝐜𝐡 𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐡 𝐀𝐟𝐫𝐢𝐜𝐚. Right up to the present, Egypt has retained this vital role of mediator between the 𝐀𝐫𝐚𝐛 𝐄𝐚𝐬𝐭 and 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐛𝐥𝐚𝐜𝐤 𝐰𝐨𝐫𝐥𝐝. Since the 𝒇𝒂𝒍𝒍 𝒐𝒇 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑷𝒕𝒐𝒍𝒆𝒎𝒊𝒆𝒔, Egypt had 𝒉𝒂𝒅 𝒏𝒐 𝒄𝒆𝒏𝒕𝒓𝒆 𝒐𝒇 𝒂𝒖𝒕𝒉𝒐𝒓𝒊𝒕𝒚 𝒐𝒏 𝒊𝒕𝒔 𝒐𝒘𝒏 𝒔𝒐𝒊𝒍. A colony for 𝒆𝒙𝒑𝒍𝒐𝒊𝒕𝒂𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏 𝒃𝒚 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑹𝒐𝒎𝒂𝒏𝒔, then by the 𝑩𝒚𝒛𝒂𝒏𝒕𝒊𝒏𝒆𝒔, it produced a considerable proportion of the cereals fed 𝒕𝒐 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒑𝒐𝒑𝒖𝒍𝒂𝒄𝒆 𝒊𝒏 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒊𝒎𝒑𝒆𝒓𝒊𝒂𝒍 𝒄𝒂𝒑𝒊𝒕𝒂𝒍𝒔. Its prosperity was vital to the security of the princes. From the 𝟑𝐫𝐝/𝟗𝐭𝐡 century onwards, an inclination to resist the demands of the Caliphate was displayed by those invested with authority in Egypt. Thus began a new history: 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒔𝒍𝒐𝒘 𝒓𝒊𝒔𝒆 𝒕𝒐 𝒂𝒖𝒕𝒐𝒏𝒐𝒎𝒐𝒖𝒔, 𝒕𝒉𝒆𝒏 𝒊𝒏𝒅𝒆𝒑𝒆𝒏𝒅𝒆𝒏𝒕, 𝒇𝒊𝒏𝒂𝒍𝒍𝒚 𝒊𝒎𝒑𝒆𝒓𝒊𝒂𝒍 𝒂𝒖𝒕𝒉𝒐𝒓𝒊𝒕𝒚. This transfer of political power from 𝐁𝐚𝐠𝐡𝐝𝐚𝐝, first to 𝐅𝐮𝐬ṭāṭ, then to 𝐂𝐚𝐢𝐫𝐨, followed a shift in the trade routes of 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑮𝒖𝒍𝒇 and 𝑴𝒆𝒔𝒐𝒑𝒐𝒕𝒂𝒎𝒊𝒂 𝒕𝒐𝒘𝒂𝒓𝒅𝒔 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒆𝒂𝒔𝒕𝒆𝒓𝒏 𝑴𝒆𝒅𝒊𝒕𝒆𝒓𝒓𝒂𝒏𝒆𝒂𝒏, 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑵𝒊𝒍𝒆 𝑽𝒂𝒍𝒍𝒆𝒚 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑹𝒆𝒅 𝑺𝒆𝒂. 𝗡𝘂𝗯𝗶𝗮 and the innermost recesses of Africa, unknown until then, came to play an active part, thanks to Egypt, in the economic exchanges of the Mediterranean world. 𝗜𝗜. 𝗘𝗴𝘆𝗽𝘁 𝗶𝗻 𝘀𝘂𝗯𝗷𝗲𝗰𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻: 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗰𝗼𝗻𝗾𝘂𝗲𝘀𝘁 𝗔. 𝗕𝘆𝘇𝗮𝗻𝘁𝗶𝗻𝗲 𝗘𝗴𝘆𝗽𝘁 𝐁𝐲𝐳𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐞 𝐄𝐠𝐲𝐩𝐭 was subject to the authority of an 𝑨𝒖𝒈𝒖𝒔𝒕𝒂𝒍 𝒅𝒖𝒌𝒆 𝒓𝒆𝒔𝒊𝒅𝒆𝒏𝒕 𝒊𝒏 𝑨𝒍𝒆𝒙𝒂𝒏𝒅𝒓𝒊𝒂. The country was divided into 𝐟𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐝𝐮𝐜𝐡𝐢𝐞𝐬, each comprising two 𝐞𝐩𝐚𝐫𝐜𝐡𝐢𝐞𝐬 made up of a number of 𝐩𝐚𝐠𝐚𝐫𝐜𝐡𝐢𝐞𝐬 – a strict territorial hierarchy designed to facilitate the levying of taxes in cash and kind, the collection of the annona (wheat levy), and the financing of its transport to 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞 (2.5 million hectolitres of grain each year before 10 October). The 𝐂𝐨𝐩𝐭 𝐩𝐞𝐚𝐬𝐚𝐧𝐭𝐫𝐲 𝒉𝒂𝒅 𝒑𝒓𝒆𝒔𝒆𝒓𝒗𝒆𝒅 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒍𝒊𝒏𝒈𝒖𝒊𝒔𝒕𝒊𝒄 𝒊𝒏𝒉𝒆𝒓𝒊𝒕𝒂𝒏𝒄𝒆 of 𝐏𝐡𝐚𝐫𝐚𝐨𝐧𝐢𝐜 𝐄𝐠𝐲𝐩𝐭. It 𝒓𝒆𝒋𝒆𝒄𝒕𝒆𝒅 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑪𝒉𝒂𝒍𝒄𝒆𝒅𝒐𝒏𝒊𝒂𝒏 𝒅𝒐𝒄𝒕𝒓𝒊𝒏𝒆 𝒐𝒇 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑴𝒆𝒍𝒄𝒉𝒊𝒕𝒆𝒔 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒉𝒆𝒍𝒅 𝒕𝒐 𝑴𝒐𝒏𝒐𝒑𝒉𝒚𝒔𝒊𝒕𝒊𝒔𝒎. 𝐂𝐨𝐩𝐭𝐢𝐜 𝐫𝐞𝐥𝐢𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐧 expressed itself in a strong inclination towards 𝐦𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐜 𝐥𝐢𝐟𝐞, a trend strengthened by the large number of peasants fleeing to evade excessive taxation. 𝗕. 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗔𝗿𝗮𝗯 𝗰𝗼𝗻𝗾𝘂𝗲𝘀𝘁 The Arab general ʿ𝗔𝗺𝗿 𝗶𝗯𝗻 𝗮𝗹‑ʿĀṣ entered Egypt at the head of a modest army in 𝐃𝐡𝐮 𝐥‑𝐡𝐢𝐝𝐣𝐝𝐣𝐚 𝟏𝟖/𝐃𝐞𝐜𝐞𝐦𝐛𝐞𝐫 𝟔𝟑𝟗. He occupied al‑Arīsh, al‑Farāma, and advanced to Bilbays, Heliopolis, and then to Babylon (Bābalyūn). The Byzantine defence was led by the 𝐂𝐡𝐚𝐥𝐜𝐞𝐝𝐨𝐧𝐢𝐚𝐧 𝐏𝐚𝐭𝐫𝐢𝐚𝐫𝐜𝐡 𝐂𝐲𝐫𝐮𝐬 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐜𝐨𝐦𝐦𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐞𝐫‑𝐢𝐧‑𝐜𝐡𝐢𝐞𝐟 𝐓𝐡𝐞𝐨𝐝𝐨𝐫𝐞. Babylon fell in Djumādā I‑ākhir 20/April 641. The 𝐬𝐢𝐞𝐠𝐞 𝐨𝐟 𝐀𝐥𝐞𝐱𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐫𝐢𝐚 began in Radjab 20/June 641; the city capitulated in Shawwāl 21/September 642. 𝑷𝒂𝒓𝒕𝒚 𝒅𝒊𝒔𝒔𝒆𝒏𝒔𝒊𝒐𝒏𝒔 𝒂𝒎𝒐𝒏𝒈 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑮𝒓𝒆𝒆𝒌𝒔 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒕𝒉𝒆𝒊𝒓 𝒉𝒂𝒕𝒓𝒆𝒅 𝒐𝒇 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑪𝒐𝒑𝒕𝒔 𝒇𝒂𝒄𝒊𝒍𝒊𝒕𝒂𝒕𝒆𝒅 the invaders’ task. Breaking with the tradition of establishing political authority in 𝐀𝐥𝐞𝐱𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐫𝐢𝐚, ʿ𝗔𝗺𝗿 chose 𝐁𝐚𝐛𝐲𝐥𝐨𝐧 as the capital, just between the Delta and Middle Egypt. He 𝒔𝒆𝒕𝒕𝒍𝒆𝒅 𝑨𝒓𝒂𝒃 𝒕𝒓𝒊𝒃𝒆𝒔 𝒕𝒐 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒏𝒐𝒓𝒕𝒉 𝒐𝒇 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒇𝒐𝒓𝒕𝒓𝒆𝒔𝒔. A 𝙢𝙤𝙨𝙦𝙪𝙚, centre of religious and political assembly, set the seal on the unity of the new city, which was referred to as 𝐅𝐮𝐬ṭāṭ (𝐨𝐫 𝐅𝐮𝐬ṭāṭ‑𝐌𝐢ṣ𝐫). 𝗖. 𝗙𝗶𝘀𝗰𝗮𝗹 𝗿𝗲𝗴𝗶𝗺𝗲 The fiscal regime was ambiguous. Egypt was considered either a 𝒍𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒄𝒐𝒏𝒒𝒖𝒆𝒓𝒆𝒅 𝒃𝒚 𝒃𝒍𝒐𝒐𝒅𝒍𝒆𝒔𝒔 𝒄𝒂𝒑𝒊𝒕𝒖𝒍𝒂𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏 (ṣ𝒖𝒍ḥā𝒏) – where the 𝒓𝒆𝒎𝒂𝒊𝒏𝒆𝒅 𝒊𝒏 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒉𝒂𝒏𝒅𝒔 𝒐𝒇 𝒊𝒕𝒔 𝒄𝒖𝒍𝒕𝒊𝒗𝒂𝒕𝒐𝒓𝒔, who 𝒑𝒂𝒊𝒅 𝒂 𝒕𝒂𝒙 𝒊𝒏 𝒌𝒊𝒏𝒅 (𝒌𝒉𝒂𝒓ā𝒋) 𝒑𝒍𝒖𝒔 𝒂 𝒑𝒐𝒍𝒍 𝒕𝒂𝒙 (𝒋𝒊𝒛𝒚𝒂) – or wrested by armed force (ʿanwatān) – where the land went to the Muslim community. The ambiguity was turned to account: Copts reluctant to meet demands were reminded that the land conquered by force could be taken away. The 𝒑𝒐𝒍𝒍 𝒕𝒂𝒙 𝒇𝒐𝒓 𝑪𝒉𝒓𝒊𝒔𝒕𝒊𝒂𝒏𝒔 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝑱𝒆𝒘𝒔 𝒗𝒂𝒓𝒊𝒆𝒅 from one to four dinars per annum for every male over 14. The tax in kind consisted of provisions of grain, oil, vinegar, sometimes clothing or animals. 𝐂𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐩𝐡 ʿ𝐔𝐭𝐡𝐦ā𝐧 suggested that ʿ𝗔𝗺𝗿 place fiscal administration in the hands of the Governor of Upper Egypt, ʿ𝐀𝐛𝐝 𝐀𝐥𝐥ā𝐡 𝐛. 𝐒𝐚ʿ𝐝, while retaining political and military responsibility. ʿ𝗔𝗺𝗿 refused, but ʿ𝐀𝐛𝐝 𝐀𝐥𝐥ā𝐡 was appointed sole governor in 23/644. 𝗗. 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗡𝘂𝗯𝗶𝗮𝗻 𝗲𝘅𝗽𝗲𝗱𝗶𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗯𝗮𝗸𝘁 In 31/652, 𝐀𝐛𝐝 𝐀𝐥𝐥ā𝐡 launched an expedition against 𝐍𝐮𝐛𝐢𝐚, reaching 𝐃𝐨𝐧𝐠𝐨𝐥𝐚. The Christian population put up 𝒇𝒊𝒆𝒓𝒄𝒆 𝒓𝒆𝒔𝒊𝒔𝒕𝒂𝒏𝒄𝒆; the Nubian archers pierced the eyes of Arab horsemen. The invaders, discouraged and facing poverty of the country, preferred to negotiate. The 𝐛𝐚𝐤𝐭 𝐭𝐫𝐞𝐚𝐭𝐲 provided that the Nubians 𝒘𝒐𝒖𝒍𝒅 𝒅𝒆𝒍𝒊𝒗𝒆𝒓 𝒔𝒍𝒂𝒗𝒆𝒔 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒓𝒆𝒄𝒆𝒊𝒗𝒆 𝒗𝒊𝒄𝒕𝒖𝒂𝒍𝒔 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒇𝒂𝒃𝒓𝒊𝒄𝒔. Regarded by Muslim jurists as a trade treaty negotiated on equal terms, the bakt (amended several times) was still in force at the 𝐞𝐧𝐝 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐅āṭ𝐢𝐦𝐢𝐝 𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐨𝐝. Islam failed against this relatively homogeneous population; the 𝑰𝒔𝒍𝒂𝒎𝒊𝒔𝒂𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏 𝒐𝒇 𝑵𝒊𝒍𝒐𝒕𝒊𝒄 𝑨𝒇𝒓𝒊𝒄𝒂 was deferred to the 𝐌𝐚𝐦𝐥𝐮𝐤 𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐨𝐝. 𝗜𝗜𝗜. 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗨𝗺𝗮𝘆𝘆𝗮𝗱𝘀 𝗶𝗻 𝗗𝗮𝗺𝗮𝘀𝗰𝘂𝘀 The installation of the 𝐂𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐩𝐡𝐚𝐭𝐞 𝐢𝐧 𝐃𝐚𝐦𝐚𝐬𝐜𝐮𝐬 (41/661) represented a northward shift. The maritime war between Arabs and Byzantines – the Victory of the Masts won by Egyptian seamen in 35/655 – 𝒅𝒆𝒂𝒍𝒕 𝒂 𝒉𝒆𝒂𝒗𝒚 𝒃𝒍𝒐𝒘 𝒕𝒐 𝑴𝒆𝒅𝒊𝒕𝒆𝒓𝒓𝒂𝒏𝒆𝒂𝒏 𝒕𝒓𝒂𝒅𝒆. From then onwards the 𝑹𝒆𝒅 𝑺𝒆𝒂 𝒘𝒂𝒔 𝒂𝒃𝒂𝒏𝒅𝒐𝒏𝒆𝒅 𝒊𝒏 𝒇𝒂𝒗𝒐𝒖𝒓 𝒐𝒇 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑮𝒖𝒍𝒇 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒍𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒓𝒐𝒖𝒕𝒆𝒔 𝒕𝒉𝒂𝒕, 𝒊𝒏 𝑬𝒈𝒚𝒑𝒕, 𝒓𝒂𝒏 𝒆𝒂𝒔𝒕‑𝒘𝒆𝒔𝒕. The crisis that brought 𝐌𝐮ʿā𝐰𝐢𝐲𝐚 to the Caliphate began with the 𝒂𝒔𝒔𝒂𝒔𝒔𝒊𝒏𝒂𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏 𝒐𝒇 𝑪𝒂𝒍𝒊𝒑𝒉 ʿ𝑼𝒕𝒉𝒎ā𝒏 𝒊𝒏 𝑴𝒆𝒅𝒊𝒏𝒂 (35/656). This early break in Arab‑Islamic unity enabled new converts of all origins to fit into a disjointed structure. The Copts, whose Christianity was simple, faithful and sensitive, brought into 𝐒𝐮𝐧𝐧𝐢𝐬𝐦 their obsessive desire to keep in touch with the loved ones who had passed on – 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐊𝐚𝐫ā𝐟𝐚 𝐜𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐞𝐬 testify to the uncertain boundaries between this world and the hereafter. The revolt that led to the assassination of ʿUthmān started among the Arab troops in Egypt, yet Egypt was associated, through its Governor ʿAmr, with the defeat of the claims of 𝐂𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐩𝐡 ʿ𝐀𝐥ī 𝐚𝐭 𝐒𝐢𝐟𝐟𝐢𝐧 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐀𝐝𝐡𝐫𝐮𝐡. 𝐒𝐡īʿ𝐢𝐬𝐦 never had many followers in Egypt, despite posthumous affection for the Prophet’s descendants. 𝗔. 𝗔𝗿𝗮𝗯𝗶𝘇𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 Initially, 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑨𝒓𝒂𝒃𝒔 𝒕𝒐𝒐𝒌 𝒐𝒗𝒆𝒓 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑩𝒚𝒛𝒂𝒏𝒕𝒊𝒏𝒆 𝒔𝒕𝒂𝒕𝒆 𝒔𝒆𝒕‑𝒖𝒑: Greek language, subordinate tax officials, administrative divisions, coins. The 𝐌𝐨𝐧𝐨𝐩𝐡𝐲𝐬𝐢𝐭𝐞 𝐂𝐡𝐮𝐫𝐜𝐡 retained its role of intermediary. In 𝟖𝟕/𝟕𝟎𝟔, 𝑨𝒓𝒂𝒃𝒊𝒄 𝒉𝒂𝒅 𝒕𝒐 𝒃𝒆 𝒖𝒔𝒆𝒅 𝒇𝒐𝒓 𝒐𝒇𝒇𝒊𝒄𝒊𝒂𝒍 𝒊𝒏𝒔𝒕𝒓𝒖𝒎𝒆𝒏𝒕𝒔 𝒕𝒉𝒓𝒐𝒖𝒈𝒉𝒐𝒖𝒕 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑪𝒂𝒍𝒊𝒑𝒉𝒂𝒕𝒆. Bilingual (Arabic/Greek) papyri appeared soon after the conquest and continued until about 102/720. Egypt went over completely to Arabic in the first quarter of the 2nd/8th century. Coptic survived in the countryside for two centuries and longer in the 𝑴𝒐𝒏𝒐𝒑𝒉𝒚𝒔𝒊𝒕𝒆 𝒍𝒊𝒕𝒖𝒓𝒈𝒚. By the 4th/10th century, Egyptian historians were writing in Arabic. Unlike 𝐏𝐞𝐫𝐬𝐢𝐚𝐧𝐬 and 𝐓𝐮𝐫𝐤𝐬, 𝐄𝐠𝐲𝐩𝐭𝐢𝐚𝐧𝐬 merged into the 𝑨𝒓𝒂𝒃‑𝒔𝒑𝒆𝒂𝒌𝒊𝒏𝒈 𝒘𝒐𝒓𝒍𝒅 stretching from the 𝑨𝒕𝒍𝒂𝒏𝒕𝒊𝒄 𝒕𝒐 𝑴𝒆𝒔𝒐𝒑𝒐𝒕𝒂𝒎𝒊𝒂 – a framework independent of Islam, for many non‑Muslims speak Arabic. 𝗕. 𝗙𝗶𝘀𝗰𝗮𝗹 𝗽𝗿𝗲𝘀𝘀𝘂𝗿𝗲 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝗿𝗲𝘀𝗶𝘀𝘁𝗮𝗻𝗰𝗲 Under the 𝐔𝐦𝐚𝐲𝐲𝐚𝐝𝐬, few Arabs lived in the Egyptian countryside. Mutual acculturation took place in towns. However, urban life entailed increased expenditure, and from the 80s/700s onwards conquests slowed down, the treasury could no longer rely on spoils of war, and fiscal pressure became more burdensome. Peasants deserted villages or became monks to evade the poll tax. When ʿ𝐀𝐛𝐝 𝐚𝐥‑ʿ𝐀𝐳ī𝐳 𝐛. 𝐌𝐚𝐫𝐰ā𝐧 extended the poll tax to monks (65/685‑85/704), Copts found a solution in 𝒄𝒐𝒏𝒗𝒆𝒓𝒔𝒊𝒐𝒏 𝒕𝒐 𝑰𝒔𝒍𝒂𝒎. The authorities faced a dilemma: 𝒆𝒏𝒄𝒐𝒖𝒓𝒂𝒈𝒆 𝒄𝒐𝒏𝒗𝒆𝒓𝒔𝒊𝒐𝒏𝒔 (𝒅𝒆𝒄𝒓𝒆𝒂𝒔𝒆 𝒓𝒆𝒗𝒆𝒏𝒖𝒆) 𝒐𝒓 𝒂𝒎𝒆𝒏𝒅 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒍𝒂𝒘. Governor 𝐊𝐮𝐫𝐫𝐚 𝐛. 𝐒𝐡𝐚𝐫ī𝐤 (90/709‑95/714) 𝒓𝒆𝒇𝒖𝒔𝒆𝒅 𝒕𝒐 𝒂𝒃𝒐𝒍𝒊𝒔𝒉 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒑𝒐𝒍𝒍 𝒕𝒂𝒙 𝒇𝒐𝒓 𝒄𝒐𝒏𝒗𝒆𝒓𝒕𝒆𝒅 𝑪𝒐𝒑𝒕𝒔, placed fallow land under cultivation, and planted sugar cane. 𝐂𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐩𝐡 ʿ𝐔𝐦𝐚𝐫 𝐛. ʿ𝐀𝐛𝐝 𝐚𝐥‑ʿ𝐀𝐳ī𝐳 (99/717‑101/720) separated the person (exempt from poll tax) from the land (still subject to kharāj). In 107/725, the first 𝐂𝐨𝐩𝐭 𝐫𝐞𝐯𝐨𝐥𝐭 𝐛𝐫𝐨𝐤𝐞 𝐨𝐮𝐭. The authorities settled the Delta with Kaysite Arab tribes (some ten thousand men with families) to control the countryside and counterbalance the 𝐘𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐢𝐭𝐞 𝐩𝐨𝐩𝐮𝐥𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧. 𝐌𝐞𝐥𝐜𝐡𝐢𝐭𝐞𝐬 were given their churches back, and a 𝑪𝒉𝒂𝒍𝒄𝒆𝒅𝒐𝒏𝒊𝒂𝒏 𝑷𝒂𝒕𝒓𝒊𝒂𝒓𝒄𝒉 𝒘𝒂𝒔 𝒂𝒑𝒑𝒐𝒊𝒏𝒕𝒆𝒅 𝒘𝒊𝒕𝒉 𝑩𝒚𝒛𝒂𝒏𝒕𝒊𝒏𝒆 𝒂𝒈𝒓𝒆𝒆𝒎𝒆𝒏𝒕, despite naval raids on Tinnīs in 101/720 and 118/736. 𝗜𝗩. 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗴𝗿𝗲𝗮𝘁 𝗿𝗲𝘃𝗼𝗹𝘁𝘀 𝗮𝘁 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗯𝗲𝗴𝗶𝗻𝗻𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗼𝗳 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗔𝗯𝗯𝗮𝘀𝗶𝗱 𝗖𝗮𝗹𝗶𝗽𝗵𝗮𝘁𝗲 In 132/750 the 𝑼𝒎𝒂𝒚𝒚𝒂𝒅𝒔 𝒘𝒆𝒓𝒆 𝒐𝒗𝒆𝒓𝒕𝒉𝒓𝒐𝒘𝒏. The seat of the Caliphate was transferred to Mesopotamia, far from Egypt. The regional function of 𝐅𝐮𝐬ṭāṭ, relay of a distant authority, was enhanced. From 𝟏𝟓𝟎/𝟕𝟔𝟕 𝐭𝐨 𝟐𝟓𝟒/𝟖𝟔𝟖, 𝒓𝒆𝒗𝒐𝒍𝒕𝒔 𝒄𝒐𝒏𝒕𝒊𝒏𝒖𝒆𝒅 𝒂𝒍𝒎𝒐𝒔𝒕 𝒘𝒊𝒕𝒉𝒐𝒖𝒕 𝒊𝒏𝒕𝒆𝒓𝒓𝒖𝒑𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏. Coptic revolts were stirred up by the replacement of local 𝑪𝒉𝒓𝒊𝒔𝒕𝒊𝒂𝒏 𝒐𝒇𝒇𝒊𝒄𝒊𝒂𝒍𝒔 𝒃𝒚 𝑴𝒖𝒔𝒍𝒊𝒎𝒔 (150/767‑155/772). In 217/832, in the region of the Bucolics (northern Delta), a rustic Christian population rose in rebellion – the last time Christians took up arms alone against Muslim authority. From the 3rd/9th century onwards, Arabs of the tribes and soldiers were at the root of the main disturbances. Soldiers had to be paid in peacetime; their loyalty depended on regular pay. In 193/809 a mutiny broke out in 𝐅𝐮𝐬ṭāṭ, and the governor built a residence outside the town on the hill where the 𝐜𝐢𝐭𝐚𝐝𝐞𝐥 𝐨𝐟 𝐂𝐚𝐢𝐫𝐨 would later be erected. Semi‑nomadic Arabs settled on the edges of the Delta refused to pay 𝐤𝐡𝐚𝐫ā𝐣 and wanted to use cultivated fields for pasture. From 169/785 onwards, Arabs from the tribes participated in revolts. The eastern Delta (Hawf) was in rebellion until 194/810. From 198/814 to 217/832 there was total anarchy in Egypt; only Middle and Upper Egypt recognised the authority of 𝐅𝐮𝐬ṭāṭ. Refugees from 𝐂𝐨𝐫𝐝𝐨𝐯𝐚 established a state in 𝐀𝐥𝐞𝐱𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐫𝐢𝐚; the eastern Delta formed another unit. 𝐂𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐩𝐡 𝐚𝐥‑𝐌𝐚ʾ𝐦ū𝐧 was required to restore order in 217/832. From the following year, Arabs were excluded from the 𝐝ī𝐰ā𝐧𝐬 – freed from military obligations, they were no longer entitled to state pensions. Three destinies took shape for the descendants of the Arab conquerors: · 𝐔𝐫𝐛𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐬𝐞𝐝 – officials, jurists, merchants benefiting from economic development. · 𝐀𝐬𝐬𝐢𝐦𝐢𝐥𝐚𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐡 𝐢𝐧𝐝𝐢𝐠𝐞𝐧𝐨𝐮𝐬 𝐫𝐮𝐫𝐚𝐥 𝐩𝐨𝐩𝐮𝐥𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬 – sharing the burden of taxation. · 𝐁𝐞𝐝𝐮𝐢𝐧𝐬 – semi‑nomads or nomads, marginalized, receptive to Hasanid or Karmatian rebels. 𝗩. 𝗘𝗴𝘆𝗽𝘁 𝗮𝘂𝘁𝗼𝗻𝗼𝗺𝗼𝘂𝘀: 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗧𝘂𝗹𝘂𝗻𝗶𝗱 𝗱𝘆𝗻𝗮𝘀𝘁𝘆 Under 𝐂𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐩𝐡 𝐚𝐥‑𝐌𝐮ʿ𝐭𝐚ṣ𝐢𝐦 (218/833‑227/842), 𝐓𝐮𝐫𝐤𝐢𝐬𝐡 𝐬𝐥𝐚𝐯𝐞𝐬 𝒈𝒂𝒊𝒏𝒆𝒅 𝒄𝒐𝒏𝒕𝒓𝒐𝒍 𝒐𝒇 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒂𝒓𝒎𝒚 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒓𝒆𝒅𝒖𝒄𝒆𝒅 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑪𝒂𝒍𝒊𝒑𝒉 𝒕𝒐 𝒂 𝒇𝒊𝒈𝒖𝒓𝒆𝒉𝒆𝒂𝒅. 𝗔ḥ𝗺𝗮𝗱 𝗶𝗯𝗻 Ṭū𝗹ū𝗻 arrived in Egypt in 254/868, given ṣ𝒂𝒍ā𝒕 (𝒑𝒐𝒍𝒊𝒕𝒊𝒄𝒂𝒍/𝒎𝒊𝒍𝒊𝒕𝒂𝒓𝒚 𝒂𝒖𝒕𝒉𝒐𝒓𝒊𝒕𝒚) but not 𝐤𝐡𝐚𝐫ā𝐣 (fiscal authority), which was retained by 𝐈𝐛𝐧 𝐚𝐥‑𝐌𝐮𝐝𝐚𝐛𝐛𝐢𝐫. By 258/872, through intrigues, Ibn Ṭūlūn had Ibn al‑Mudabbir transferred to Syria. 𝐈𝐛𝐧 Ṭū𝐥ū𝐧 first intervened in Upper Egypt (revolts in 255/869 and 256/870). He secured the 𝑾ā𝒅ī 𝒂𝒍‑ʿ𝑨𝒍𝒍ā𝒒ī 𝒈𝒐𝒍𝒅 𝒎𝒊𝒏𝒆𝒔 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑵𝒖𝒃𝒊𝒂𝒏 𝒔𝒍𝒂𝒗𝒆 𝒕𝒓𝒂𝒅𝒆. He built an army and intervened in 𝐓𝐫𝐢𝐩𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐚. In 264/878 he invaded Syria. His son al‑ʿAbbās revolted; Ibn Ṭūlūn returned, imprisoned him, and invited the Caliph to reside in 𝐅𝐮𝐬ṭāṭ. The Caliph was compelled to sign an instrument removing Ibn Ṭūlūn from office. Ibn Ṭūlūn then obtained a vote legalising 𝒅𝒋𝒊𝒉ā𝒅 𝒂𝒈𝒂𝒊𝒏𝒔𝒕 𝒂𝒍‑𝑴𝒖𝒘𝒂𝒇𝒇𝒂𝒌. He died in Fusṭāṭ in Ramadan 270/March 884. His son 𝐊𝐡𝐮𝐦ā𝐫𝐚𝐰𝐚𝐲𝐡 succeeded. The Caliphate acknowledged 𝐓𝐮𝐥𝐮𝐧𝐢𝐝 𝐬𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐞𝐢𝐠𝐧𝐭𝐲 𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫 𝐄𝐠𝐲𝐩𝐭 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐒𝐲𝐫𝐢𝐚 for thirty years (273/886). The 𝐂𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐩𝐡 𝐚𝐥‑𝐌𝐮ʿ𝐭𝐚ḍ𝐢𝐝 married Khumārawayh’s daughter 𝐊𝐚𝐭𝐫 𝐚𝐥‑𝐍𝐚𝐝ā (279/892) with a million dinar dowry – the most sumptuous wedding festivities in Arab history. Khumārawayh was assassinated in Damascus (282/896), leaving the treasury empty. The dynasty was ruined. 𝐊𝐚𝐫𝐦𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐚𝐧𝐬 (𝐚𝐧 𝐈𝐬𝐦āʿī𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐞 𝐀𝐥𝐢𝐝 𝐬𝐞𝐜𝐭) invaded Syria from 289/902 and defeated the Tulunid army. The Abbasid general Muḥammad b. Sulaymān crushed them (290/903) and entered Fusṭāṭ on 20 Rabīʿ I 292/10 January 905. Hārūn b. Khumārawayh was killed. Al‑Kindī’s account reveals the fragility of Tulunid authority: political authority depended on the army; religious authorities were largely indifferent so long as the khuṭba was pronounced on behalf of the Caliph. A split between civil society and military comradeship began to appear. The nascent middle class (artisans, merchants) identified with the mosque and distrusted the Tulunid princes, whose culture was marked by Persian indulgence. The Tulunid army was heterogeneous (Turks, Daylamites, blacks, Greeks, Berbers). It was incapable of protecting the vast territory. The Abbasid army pillaged 𝐅𝐮𝐬ṭāṭ and destroyed all Tulunid buildings except the great mosque – proof that it recognised the progress of the Egyptian economy and the threat it represented to Iraq’s preponderance. 𝗩𝗜. 𝗙𝗿𝗮𝗴𝗶𝗹𝗲 𝗔𝗯𝗯𝗮𝘀𝗶𝗱 𝗿𝗲𝘀𝘁𝗼𝗿𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻: 𝗮𝗻𝗮𝗿𝗰𝗵𝘆 From the 𝒇𝒂𝒍𝒍 𝒐𝒇 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑻𝒖𝒍𝒖𝒏𝒊𝒅𝒔 (292/905) to the installation of 𝐌𝐮ḥ𝐚𝐦𝐦𝐚𝐝 𝐛. 𝐓𝐮𝐠𝐡𝐝𝐣 as governor (323/935), Egypt underwent a series of disorders. The al‑Madharāʾī family sat firmly at the head of fiscal administration, opposing certain nominations. The army, irregularly paid, took to pillaging. Berber contingents, acting on behalf of the 𝐅āṭ𝐢𝐦𝐢𝐝𝐬 𝐢𝐧 𝐈𝐟𝐫ī𝐪𝐢𝐲𝐚, were merged into the Egyptian army. Violent clashes between 'westerners' and 'easterners' preluded the great encounters of the Fāṭimid period. Two institutions characteristic of the second Arab Middle Ages developed at the end of the Tulunid period and during the disorders: 𝐢𝐪ṭāʿ and 𝐰𝐚𝐪𝐟. · 𝐢𝐪ṭāʿ – an officer in command was given a mandate to collect taxes from a rural district and was responsible for maintaining his men. It bound the officer to the territory he helped defend, relieving the provincial administration. · 𝐰𝐚𝐪𝐟 – financial administrators (like the 𝐌𝐚𝐝𝐡𝐚𝐫āʾī) set up their property as waqf to ensure that only their descendants would have use of it. These institutions increased the weight of towns on the countryside, raising taxation of agricultural yield, leaving peasants barely enough for subsistence. Large‑scale peasant revolts declined due to the absolute military superiority of professional soldiers. 𝗩𝗜𝗜. 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗜𝗸𝗵𝘀𝗵𝗶𝗱𝗶𝗱𝘀 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝗞ā𝗳ū𝗿 In Shaʿbān 323/July 935, 𝐌𝐮ḥ𝐚𝐦𝐦𝐚𝐝 𝐛. 𝐓𝐮𝐠𝐡𝐝𝐣 was appointed governor of Egypt with responsibility for both ṣ𝐚𝐥ā𝐭 and 𝐤𝐡𝐚𝐫ā𝐣 – a rare twofold responsibility obtained with the support of 𝐈𝐛𝐧 𝐚𝐥‑𝐅𝐮𝐫ā𝐭. He was granted the title al𝐈𝐤𝐡𝐬𝐡ī𝐝 (𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐞𝐫𝐯𝐚𝐧𝐭), a Ferghana princely title. He confronted Berbers who had occupied the Island of Rōda and set fire to the arsenal. In 324/936 a Fāṭimid army attacked Egypt but was defeated. Ibn Tughdj regarded Syria as part of his principality. After uncertain engagements with Ibn Rāʾik, they divided Syria between them. In 334/945 Ibn Tughdj died. His sons 𝐔𝐧𝐮𝐝𝐣ū𝐫 (334/946‑349/961) and ʿ𝐀𝐥ī (349/961‑355/966) succeeded, but the real power was wielded by Kāfūr. 𝗔. 𝗞ā𝗳ū𝗿 – 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗯𝗹𝗮𝗰𝗸 𝗲𝘂𝗻𝘂𝗰𝗵 𝗞ā𝗳ū𝗿 was a 𝒃𝒍𝒂𝒄𝒌 𝒆𝒖𝒏𝒖𝒄𝒉, 𝒂 𝒔𝒍𝒂𝒗𝒆 𝒃𝒓𝒐𝒖𝒈𝒉𝒕 𝒕𝒐 𝑲ū𝒔 𝒂𝒔 𝒂 𝒄𝒉𝒊𝒍𝒅. He combined indisputable military, administrative and diplomatic abilities with a deep Sunnite faith. He identified with the people of Fusṭāṭ. After Ibn Tughdj’s death, Kāfūr directed the state under the two sons. From 355/966 until his death in 357/968, he exercised power in his own right in Egypt and southern Syria with the title 𝐚𝐥‑𝐔𝐬𝐭ā𝐝𝐡, his authority recognised by the Abbasid Caliph. The 𝐊ā𝐟ū𝐫𝐢𝐝 𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐨𝐝 was marked by growing insecurity. Fāṭimid threats in the west; Nubians attacking oases (339/950) and Aswan (345/956); Beduins falling upon pilgrim caravans. Food shortages due to inadequate Nile floods aggravated the situation. Kāfūr strengthened the army by introducing black slaves from Upper Egypt (Kāfūriyya), but they were never fully integrated with the white ghulāms (Ikhshīdiyya), forming separate hostile groups. Kāfūr pushed out former comrades and bought loyalty with large iqṭāʿs. After his death, the senior officers could not find a successor. If there had been a man of his character among the military chiefs assembled in Fusṭāṭ in spring 358/969, a regime anticipating the 𝐌𝐚𝐦𝐥𝐮𝐤𝐬 might have come into being on the banks of the Nile three centuries earlier. 𝗙𝗶𝗻𝗮𝗹 𝗥𝗲𝗳𝗹𝗲𝗰𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 (𝗣𝗮𝗿𝘁 𝟴.𝟭) From the 𝒄𝒐𝒏𝒒𝒖𝒆𝒔𝒕 𝒊𝒏 639 𝒕𝒐 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒅𝒆𝒂𝒕𝒉 𝒐𝒇 𝑲ā𝒇ū𝒓 𝒊𝒏 968, Egypt underwent a profound transformation. It passed from 𝒂 𝑩𝒚𝒛𝒂𝒏𝒕𝒊𝒏𝒆 𝒑𝒓𝒐𝒗𝒊𝒏𝒄𝒆 𝒆𝒙𝒑𝒍𝒐𝒊𝒕𝒆𝒅 𝒇𝒐𝒓 𝒈𝒓𝒂𝒊𝒏 𝒕𝒐 𝒂𝒏 𝑨𝒓𝒂𝒃 𝒑𝒓𝒐𝒗𝒊𝒏𝒄𝒆, 𝒕𝒉𝒆𝒏 𝒕𝒐 𝒂𝒏 𝒂𝒖𝒕𝒐𝒏𝒐𝒎𝒐𝒖𝒔 𝒑𝒓𝒊𝒏𝒄𝒊𝒑𝒂𝒍𝒊𝒕𝒚 𝒖𝒏𝒅𝒆𝒓 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝑻𝒖𝒍𝒖𝒏𝒊𝒅𝒔 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝑰𝒌𝒉𝒔𝒉𝒊𝒅𝒊𝒅𝒔. The fiscal and administrative structures were gradually 𝑨𝒓𝒂𝒃𝒊𝒔𝒆𝒅; the Coptic language gave way to Arabic; Islam spread through conversions driven as much by fiscal pressure as by faith. The emergence of iqṭāʿ and waqf reshaped the relationship between state, army, and countryside. The figure of Kāfūr – a black eunuch of slave origin who ruled Egypt with the caliph’s recognition – stands as a remarkable testament to the fluidity of power in the Islamic world. Yet his death left a vacuum, and the stage was set for a new power: the Fāṭimids. 𝗪𝗵𝗮𝘁 𝗖𝗼𝗺𝗲𝘀 𝗡𝗲𝘅𝘁 – 𝗣𝗮𝗿𝘁 𝟴.𝟮 (𝗜𝗺𝗽𝗲𝗿𝗶𝗮𝗹 𝗘𝗴𝘆𝗽𝘁) Having traced Egypt’s path from subjection to autonomy, we will next enter the 𝗙āṭ𝗶𝗺𝗶𝗱 𝗽𝗲𝗿𝗶𝗼𝗱. Part 8.2 – "𝗜𝗺𝗽𝗲𝗿𝗶𝗮𝗹 𝗘𝗴𝘆𝗽𝘁" – will begin with the first three 𝐅āṭ𝐢𝐦𝐢𝐝 𝐢𝐦𝐚𝐦𝐬 of Egypt and explore 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒓𝒊𝒔𝒆 𝒐𝒇 𝑪𝒂𝒊𝒓𝒐 𝒂𝒔 𝒂 𝒊𝒎𝒑𝒆𝒓𝒊𝒂𝒍 𝒄𝒂𝒑𝒊𝒕𝒂𝒍, the establishment of the rival 𝐅āṭ𝐢𝐦𝐢𝐝 𝐜𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐩𝐡𝐚𝐭𝐞,, the religious and political challenges to Abbasid authority, and the cultural and economic flowering of Egypt under Fāṭimid rule. 𝗕𝘆 𝗬𝗼𝘂𝗿 𝗙𝗿𝗶𝗲𝗻𝗱 & 𝗙𝗲𝗹𝗹𝗼𝘄 𝗛𝗶𝘀𝘁𝗼𝗿𝗶𝗮𝗻 — 𝑺𝒖𝒍 𝑩 𝗮𝘀𝘀𝗶𝘀𝘁𝗲𝗱 𝗯𝘆 𝗔𝗜 ---
Recent mentions
Most viral